➊ Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis

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Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis



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The new version, called the Current Intelligence Bulletin, began production on 28 February , and this remained the format of the president's daily digest through Dwight Eisenhower's two terms, although it was retitled the Central Intelligence Bulletin in The new Kennedy Administration confronted a full array of international issues in In April, a group of CIA-trained Cuban exiles landed at the Bay of Pigs on the southern coast of Cuba with the goal of overthrowing the Fidel Castro regime and establishing an anti-Communist government. The outnumbered invading force was quickly repelled by Castro's troops. The year's reports were dominated by the worsening Congo crisis, with the fragmentation of the country widening despite the efforts of the United Nations, and US concern over the high tempo of Soviet testing of space vehicles and intercontinental ballistic missiles.

The changes at the CIA following the Bay of Pigs included a format update for the president's daily intelligence report. The Central Intelligence Bulletin continued to be produced as a separate publication until 10 Jan , when it was replaced by the National Intelligence Daily. The PICL, however, was the president's primary written intelligence source through the remainder of the Kennedy Administration. This historical release includes: the Central Intelligence Bulletin reports from 2 January June pages. Aerial intelligence collection platforms have played a critical role in US national security from the earliest beginnings of aviation. Despite their success, however, use of these platforms carried significant risks and repercussions, including detection and even pilot loss, such as the downing of the U-2 flown by Francis Gary Powers in Ever-evolving research by the CIA led to the development concept of unmanned aerial vehicles UAVs as collection platforms.

It became increasingly a commonplace among white supremacists that whites were being drowned by a rising tide of color—controlled and manipulated by Jews. This core belief was embodied in a slogan coined by a white supremacist prisoner, David Lane, while he served a de facto life sentence for crimes committed as a member of a s white supremacist terrorist group known as The Order. The number 14, signifying the slogan, has become a very popular white supremacist tattoo. Some white supremacists have even symbolically incorporated the number 14 into their terrorist acts and plots. Sean Michael Gillespie, for example, firebombed an Oklahoma City synagogue in as the first of an intended 14 violent acts, a deliberate reference to the 14 Words.

Gillespie was apprehended after the first act and sentenced to 39 years in prison. Among the photographs uploaded to the website attributed to Dylann Storm Roof are several with the number drawn in beach sand. More recently, new slogans have expanded upon the concepts exemplified by the 14 Words. Like the 14 Words, these slogans have spread to other countries. Unfortunately, this message is often interpreted as a call to violent action. Since , the extreme right in the United States has experienced a dramatic resurgence, a revival that has brought in many new recruits and created an increase in right-wing violence, especially major plots, acts, and conspiracies.

Indeed, in recent years, the number of such violent acts and plots has almost matched that of the era of the Oklahoma City bombing, twenty years ago. However, the effects of this resurgence on white supremacists have been rather mixed. The extreme right in the United States can mostly be divided into two large but only slightly overlapping spheres. In one sphere, there are several anti-government extremist movements, including the militia movement and the sovereign citizen movement. The resurgence brought these anti-government movements a large number of new adherents; it also resulted in an increase in violence and criminal activity. In part, this was due to one of the causes of the resurgence—the major recession and foreclosure crisis that hit the United States.

This primarily benefited the sovereign citizen movement, which exploit economic downturns. The white supremacist ranks, on the other hand, did not enjoy any true growth in numbers. As one might suspect, the election results made white supremacists very angry and helped increase their willingness to engage in violent acts. However, neither the election nor any other factor seems to have driven substantial numbers of new recruits into their ranks.

The result was that, like the anti-government extremists, white supremacists increased their proclivity for violence but, unlike the anti-government extremists, they did not grow in numbers. The lack of growth was disappointing for white supremacists, many of whom in had been excited about possibly increasing their numbers. Some had hoped to make inroads into the Tea Party, but such ventures met with little success. Others hoped to capitalize on anti-immigration sentiments, but found that people with anti-immigration views in the United States have many ways to express their sentiments, and many groups of like-minded people to join, without ever having to resort to getting involved with white supremacists.

Here, too, white supremacists had relatively little success. The reality is that the organized segments of the white supremacist movement today are, for the most part, simply not very healthy. Of the five main white supremacist movements which will be discussed individually in the next section , four are relatively stagnant or even in decline at the moment. Only one segment of the movement—white supremacist prison gangs—has been experiencing considerable growth.

Since , a number of once-prominent white supremacist groups have disintegrated or split into factions, often as long-time leaders died and were replaced by much less capable and charismatic successors. Other groups fell apart after their leaders were arrested. Today, most white supremacist groups are actually quite small. In contrast, the unorganized segment of the white supremacist movement is much larger than the organized segment. Unaffiliated or independent white supremacists far outnumber white supremacists who belong to specific organizations. In particular, the tremendous growth of the Web has allowed many white supremacists to engage with like-minded people without actually having to join an organization.

White supremacist discussion forums like Stormfront allow huge numbers of white supremacists to network and converse with each other without belonging to a group. The social networking revolution that began around amplified this trend; today, it is easy for white supremacists to connect, even on a one-to-one basis, on social media platforms like Facebook. These interactions need not be solely virtual, as on-line interactions often lead white supremacists to meet-ups and interactions in the real world. Some of the violent acts conducted or plotted by white supremacists in recent years even originated with on-line interactions. In addition to the ideological ties that bind white supremacists together, there also exist a number of strong cultural elements.

Racist skinheads are simply one of the major variations of skinhead subculture there are also anti-racist skinheads and traditional skinheads. Their ideology is essentially the same as neo-Nazi ideology; what distinguishes neo-Nazis and racist skinheads from each other is primarily the skinhead subculture: shared music, ways of dress, rituals, language, and symbols. White supremacist prison gangs have their own strong subculture that originally evolved from behind prison walls. This is due largely to the considerable differences within the various subdivisions of the movement—but here too one can find shared symbols, rituals, and ideas. One final issue regarding the state of the white supremacist movement is the rising importance of gangs.

When many people think of white supremacist groups, they might think in terms of a traditional, formally-organized group, such as a Klan group or a neo-Nazi group. However, gangs are an increasingly popular alternative form of organization for white supremacists. White supremacist gangs typically combine a gang structure, subcultural elements, some degree of ideology, and often criminal activity. White supremacist gangs, though they have some earlier antecedents, essentially date from the s, when the two main types of such gangs began to emerge: racist skinhead gangs and white supremacist prison gangs.

In a few places, most notably California, white supremacist street gangs also emerged during this period. California has the most developed white supremacist gang environment and is home to each of these types of gangs, including many that combine elements from all three. In recent years, a new type of white supremacist gang has appeared on the scene: white supremacist biker gangs. Most of these groups have small memberships and are short-lived, but overall they are becoming more popular. One of the most active in recent years has been the Illinois-based Sadistic Souls Motorcycle Club, which is actually an offshoot of Aryan Nations. Some white supremacist prison gangs have also had biker offshoots. The white supremacist movement in the United States is an amalgamation of a variety of different types of groups, traditions, beliefs including various religious ideologies , and subcultures.

An adherence to shared white supremacist beliefs may be the only thing a year-old racist skinhead from a poor neighborhood in a Texas suburb has in common with a year-old small-businessman, and neo-Nazi, from Cleveland, Ohio. Within white supremacy there are a variety of sub-movements, each of which contains its own constellation of groups and individual adherents. It is possible to belong to more than one of the sub-movements, although a few are mutually exclusive. In addition, there are some white supremacist groups that do not neatly fit within any particular area of white supremacy. One example of this is the Creativity Movement, formerly known as the World Church of the Creator, a white supremacist group that dates back to the s.

It is not a neo-Nazi group, though Matt Hale, its last leader until he received a year prison sentence for soliciting the murder of a federal judge , seems consciously to have emulated former neo-Nazi leader George Lincoln Rockwell. When it was convenient, adherents cooperated with a variety of other white supremacists. In addition, many argue that Odinism or white supremacist Norse paganism now is significant enough to constitute a sixth major sub-movement. Neo-Nazis comprise one of the most visible and public elements of the white supremacist movement, as well as one of the most detested. The neo-Nazi movement arguably reached its peak in the s, thanks to the National Alliance and its founder, former Rockwell disciple William Pierce, who penned the notorious white supremacist novel The Turner Diaries.

Pierce built the National Alliance into the largest neo-Nazi group in the United States, numbering some 1, members at its height. The National Alliance even purchased a white power music company, Resistance Records, to increase its reach and bring in more cash. However, the story of the neo-Nazi movement in the 21st century has largely been one of declining numbers and importance, at least in terms of organized groups. Pierce died suddenly in and his successors virtually destroyed the National Alliance, causing factionalization, mass defections, and the collapse of Resistance Records.

Within the past year, a small group of former Alliance members has been trying to resurrect the group, but with little success so far. This decline was echoed by Aryan Nations, the second most important neo-Nazi group. Nevertheless, Aryan Nations today is much smaller than its s equivalent. Led by Jeff Schoep, the group mostly avoided the in-fighting that decimated some other neo-Nazi groups. The NSM reached a peak of activity in the mids, organizing a number of public events and rallies around the country, but its activities have tailed off somewhat more recently. NSM depends upon a core group of leaders and activists to travel to NSM events organized in different places.

The group also cooperates with Klan groups and other white supremacists from time to time, although many hardcore racist skinhead groups view the NSM with disdain. Over the years, people associated with the NSM have been involved in a moderate amount of criminal activity, but generally on their own rather than at the behest of the group. He continues to await trial. Other neo-Nazi groups are all much, much smaller, with membership in the dozens. They tend to be either small, isolated descendants of the American Nazi Party or short-lived new groups that form largely from splits and defections in other organizations and which tend to cannibalize similar groups for members until they too break apart.

Overall, then, the organized portion of the neo-Nazi movement has for some years been in relatively poor health. Racist skinheads are one of the three main branches of the skinhead subculture, along with traditional skinheads and anti-racist skinheads the latter often called SHARPs, which stands for Skin Heads Against Racial Prejudice. Skinheads first emerged as a British working-class subculture in the late s; racist skinheads materialized within the broader subculture by the late s, tarnishing the reputation of all skinheads.

By the s, racist skinhead scenes had appeared across Western Europe and North America. Racist skinheads have essentially the same beliefs as neo-Nazis; what distinguishes them is their subculture: unique tattoos, practices such as head shaving, clothing such as suspenders and steel-toed work boots, a shared enjoyment of hate music, as well as their acceptance of hands-on violence dramatically illustrated in the movie American History X. The movement as a whole is very loosely organized. These groups tend to be connected to violent criminal activity. Two of the most important are the Hammerskins, one of the longest-lived racist skinhead gangs, with concentrations in various places across the United States, and the Vinlanders Social Club, which formed in the early s as a break-away Hammerskin faction and soon built up a significant track record of murder and assault.

Its main areas of activity have been Arizona and the Midwest. Most of these are relatively small and also typically short-lived, though a few can achieve both size and longevity. The majority of racist skinheads, however, belong to no organized group or gang at all, but are unaffiliated or independent. There is a high association between racist skinheads and violence.

Since the s, racist skinheads have committed a number of murders in the United States. One typical example is that of Vinlanders Social Club members Aaron Schmidt and Travis Ricci, who encountered a multi-racial couple in Phoenix in After demanding to know why the African-American man was with a white woman, they later drove past the couple while firing blasts from a shotgun, killing the woman. In , Schmidt pleaded guilty to 2nd degree murder and other charges in connection with the incident; Ricci has yet to face trial.

An even more shocking example of racist skinhead violence is that of Wade Michael Page, a racist skinhead who played in several hate music bands and eventually became a fully-patched member of the Confederate Hammerskins. In , Page attacked a Sikh temple in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, going on a shooting rampage that left six people dead and four more injured. Page shot and killed himself after being wounded by one of the arriving police officers.

The racist skinhead movement enjoyed a spurt of the growth in the mids, aided in part by the simultaneously-declining neo-Nazi movement, but that growth leveled off in the s and the movement has been largely stagnant in recent years. It also refers to the many unaffiliated individuals with the same constellation of beliefs. Today, the Klan is simply a type of hate group. There are actually between completely separate and independent Klan groups in the United States—the exact number may even vary month to month as small Klan groups form or fall apart—ranging from Klan groups that claim a presence in a number of states to tiny Klans focused on a single local area. These groups have a presence mainly in the South. Klan groups have a presence in the South as well, but they are also active in the Midwest and, to a lesser extent, in the Mid-Atlantic States.

In New England and in the West, Klan groups tend to be weak, small, and short-lived. The large proportion of new Klan groups does not indicate growth in the Klan—far from it. Klan groups have been in a long-term decline since the s, as they lost their battle against civil rights for African-Americans. Occasionally, Klan groups may slow or even arrest that decline, such as during a surge of right-wing extremism, but then the decline will resume. The result is a collection of Klan groups that have great difficult even maintaining themselves, which is why most such groups do not last very long before fragmenting or falling apart.

When new Klan groups do emerge, they tend to grow by swallowing or poaching the membership of a previous or weaker Klan group. One of the clearest signs of Klan decline is the considerable decrease in public Klan rallies. Many Klan groups simply no longer have the membership necessary to hold public demonstrations or protests. In the s, one could find without too much difficulty Klan rallies in which members participated. By the s, most Klan rallies had a couple of dozen attendees at most, though the number of rallies was still relatively high.

In the s, even the number of Klan rallies has greatly declined. For perspective on just how negligible the public Klan presence has become in recent years, consider this: In , Klan groups staged 10 different rallies in the state of Ohio alone. In , 20 years later, there were only around 10 confirmed Klan rallies across the United States Klan groups have claimed a few additional events, but no confirmation can be found that they actually took place. In lieu of such rallies, Klan groups have changed their tactics, seeking ways to generate publicity and attention that can be accomplished with a minimum of members.

The tactic chosen by two of the larger and more active Klan groups—the Traditionalist American Knights, headquartered in Missouri, and the Loyal White Knights, based in North Carolina—has been spreading Klan fliers in local neighborhoods. Fliering is an effective tactic for these groups because it takes only a single Klan member or sympathizer to perform a distribution which will typically target from 20 to homes, or perhaps all the cars in a parking lot , but the fliers often generate considerable interest from local media, which is spread further via social media.

When Klan fliers are discovered, upset residents contact the media, whose subsequent news stories spread the news of the fliering far beyond the few neighborhood residents who received any hate literature. It is this publicity that is the ultimate goal for these Klan groups. To help insure they get it, some flier distributors have taken to weighing down their Klan fliers with pieces of candy or small toys. This tactic is intended to outrage parents and make them more likely to contact law enforcement or the media, the latter of which is typically the true target.

Media coverage often elicits the specter of a rising, increasingly powerful Klan. In fact, the opposite is true: Fliers are a cheap and easy way for Klan groups to get attention—an attractive prospect for groups trying to compensate for dwindling membership and decreased clout. Since the beginning of , there have been more than different fliering incidents across the country, the vast majority carried out by the Traditional American Knights and the Loyal White Knights.

The two major non-Klan groups, the Council of Conservative Citizens and the League of South, have also suffered a loss of membership. In the s, the Council was prominent enough to attract attention from mainstream conservative politicians. The appearances of Barr and Lott before the group prompted a scandal in when revealed. Because of the scandal, GOP chair Jim Nicholson, calling the group racist, instructed all Republican candidates and public officials to sever ties with the Council.

Even then, not all politicians rushed to distance themselves from the group. Today, the Council does not even bother to list local chapters on its website—presumably because it has an embarrassingly small number to list. Nevertheless, despite its small size, the Council of Conservative Citizens still has had the ability to spew hate and to influence would-be white supremacists, an effect demonstrated in June when the manifesto attributed to Dylann Storm Roof credited the Council as a major influence.

The League of the South, a racist neo-Confederate group that has called for secession, has also lost ground, though perhaps less so than the Council. The League has reacted in part by becoming more radical and more openly racist. As the League has become more openly racist, its membership has also changed somewhat, attracting a larger proportion of younger members, some of whom have organized or participated in League of the South demonstrations and events. For example, the League has organized around 25 demonstrations in the last three years, an increase from previous years. Whereas in the s, in many parts of the country Klan groups were almost the only option for would-be white supremacists, today they are just one of many options—and are sometimes considered outdated or obsolete.

Meanwhile, the rise of white supremacist prison gangs in the South and Midwest has the potential to cut into the population base from which Klan groups derive their membership. The long-term prospects are not very bright for the Klan and its like-minded extremists. Christian Identity is a religious sect whose roots extend back well into the 19th century. By the midth century, some adherents of British Israelism began to adopt racist and anti-Semitic interpretations of scripture; these ideas evolved into what is now called Christian Identity.

As pioneers such as Wesley Swift spread these hateful beliefs, Christian Identity became firmly entrenched in the extreme right in the United States. In fact, many of the major conspiracies and violent acts by right-wing extremists in the s, s, and s can be attributed in whole or in part to adherents of Christian Identity, including shooting sprees, bombings and bomb plots, and armed robberies. Christian Identity mingled with neo-Nazis, through groups such as Aryan Nations; it appealed to many racist skinheads; and it took root in a number of Klan groups, some of which became exclusively Christian Identity in nature.

During the surge of right-wing extremism in the s, a number of Christian Identity leaders, including Richard Butler, Pete Peters and Mark Thomas, riled up their followers and stoked their anger. As the right-wing passions of the s ebbed, however, so too did the fervor that had gripped the Christian Identity movement during that period. A number of once-prominent Identity leaders died in the s—among them Butler, Peters, Neumann Britton, and Earl Jones, while others became inactive through advanced age or imprisonment in the case of Thomas.

The result was that, in the s, many Christian Identity adherents retreated back into reclusiveness. The available evidence suggests that Christian Identity has been stagnant for some years, neither appreciably increasing nor decreasing in size. Christian Identity adherents are spread so thinly around the country that actual, physical churches are relatively rare; the Internet has been a boon to Identity adherents, replacing earlier methods of disseminating Identity ideas, such as shortwave radio programs and cassette tape ministries.

Though far less active than they were in the s, Christian Identity adherents in the s have nevertheless engaged in violent acts from time to time, from firebombing synagogues to torching mosques. The most highly-publicized recent act of Christian Identity-related violence occurred in late , when Larry Steven McQuilliams opened fire in the early morning hours in downtown Austin, Texas, firing more than rounds at targets ranging from the Mexican consulate to the headquarters of the Austin Police Department.

He had also tried to burn down the consulate building. An Austin police officer shot and killed McQuilliams, possibly saving many lives in the process. Of the five main white supremacist sub-movements, white supremacist prison gangs are the only groups to have exhibited undeniable growth in recent years, becoming an increasingly dangerous problem in many areas of the United States. The first such gang to emerge was the Aryan Brotherhood, formed in the California state prison system in the s, eventually expanding to the Federal Bureau of Prisons system, too. However, it was the emergence of a variety of similar gangs in other states beginning in the s often as state prison systems ended earlier practices of segregating prisoners by race that truly caused a movement to form.

By the s, some of these gangs had become active on the streets as well as behind bars. Today, a network of white supremacist prison gangs extends across much of the United States, fueled by the significant prison population as well as by the methamphetamine epidemic many of these gangs both deal in and use meth. Not only are these gangs now common, but they have other characteristics that make them particularly worrisome.

Such stations could not afford to supply a great deal Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis free time. A week later, Hollander traveled across the country to New Jersey NTHS Reflective Report committed another murder see abovethen killed himself not long Literature Review Of Pans Labyrinth. The neo-Nazi movement arguably reached its peak in the s, thanks Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis the Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis Alliance and its founder, former Rockwell Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis William Pierce, Annotated Bibliography On Criminal Justice penned the notorious white supremacist novel The Turner Should Neo Nazis Be Allowed Free Speech Analysis.