✎✎✎ Arguments Against Racism In Football

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Arguments Against Racism In Football



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Sympathy for Boateng: Ronaldo \u0026 Guardiola fed up by racism in football

His opinions are also instructive about the early years of the French conquest and how the colonial state was first set up and organized. Tocqueville emerged as an early advocate of "total domination" in Algeria and subsequent "devastation of the country". On 31 January , Charles X capturing Algiers made the French state thus begin what became institutional racism directed at the Kabyle, or Berbers, of Arab descent in north Africa. The Dey of Algiers had insulted the monarchy by slapping the French ambassador with a fly whisk, and the French used that pretext to invade and to put an end to piracy in the vicinity. The unofficial objective was to restore the prestige of the French crown and gain a foothold in North Africa, thereby preventing the British gaining advantage over France in the Mediterranean.

The July Monarchy , which came to power in , inherited that burden. The next ten years saw the indigenous population subjected to the might of the French army. By , more conservative elements gained control of the government and dispatched General Thomas Bugeaud, the newly appointed governor of the colony, to Algeria , which marked the real start of the country's conquest. The methods employed were atrocious. The army deported villagers en masse, massacred the men and raped women, took the children hostage, stole livestock and harvests and destroyed orchards. Tocqueville wrote, "I believe the laws of war entitle us to ravage the country and that we must do this, either by destroying crops at harvest time, or all the time by making rapid incursions, known as raids, the aim of which is to carry off men and flocks.

Tocqueville added: "In France I have often heard people I respect, but do not approve, deplore [the army] burning harvests, emptying granaries and seizing unarmed men, women and children. As I see it, these are unfortunate necessities that any people wishing to make war on the Arabs must accept. Once the conquest of Algiers was accomplished soldier-politician Bertrand Clauzel and others formed a company to acquire agricultural land and, despite official discouragement, to subsidise its settlement by European farmers, which triggered a land rush. He became governor general in and used his office to make private investments in land by encouraging bureaucrats and army officers in his administration to do the same.

The development created a vested interest in government officials for greater French involvement in Algeria. Merchants with influence in the government also saw profit in land speculation, which resulted in expanding the French occupation. Large agricultural tracts were carved out, and factories and businesses began exploiting cheap local labour and also benefited from laws and edicts that gave control to the French. The policy of limited occupation was formally abandoned in and replaced by one of complete control. By , Tocqueville intended to protect and extend expropriation by the rule of law and so advocated setting up special courts, which were based on what he called "summary" procedure, to carry out a massive expropriation for the benefit of French and other European settlers, who could thus purchase land at attractive prices and live in villages, which the colonial government had equipped with fortifications, churches, schools and even fountains.

His belief, which framed his writings and influenced state actions, was that the local people, who had been driven out by the army and robbed of their land by the judges, would gradually die out. The French colonial state, as he conceived it and as it took shape in Algeria, was a two-tiered organization, quite unlike the regime in Mainland France. It introduced two different political and legal systems that were based on racial, cultural and religious distinctions. According to Tocqueville, the system that should apply to the Colons would enable them alone to hold property and travel freely but would deprive them of any form of political freedom, which should be suspended in Algeria.

There is absolutely nothing to prevent us treating Europeans as if they were on their own, as the rules established for them will only ever apply to them". Following the defeats of the resistance in the s, colonisation continued apace. By , Algeria was populated by , Europeans, only 42, of whom were French. The colonial government imposed more and higher taxes on Muslims than on Europeans. Also, Colons controlled how the revenues would be spent and so their towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, but Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little, if at all, from tax revenues.

The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing, and religion. The state appropriated the habus lands, the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools, in , but colonial officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In , more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated madrasa often had French faculty members.

Attempts to institute bilingual , bicultural schools, intended to bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous failure, which were rejected by both communities and phased out after As late as , only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen received formal schooling. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Following its conquest of Ottoman -controlled Algeria in , France maintained for well over a century its colonial rule in the territory that has been described as "quasi-apartheid". Under the French Fourth Republic , Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of citizenship , but the system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways.

Frederick Cooper writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of 'French' civil status and of 'Muslim' civil status, to keep their hands on power. There was clearly nothing exceptional about the crimes committed by the French army and state in Algeria in to On the contrary, they were part of history repeating itself.

Replying to the question "Isn't it excessive to talk about a state racism under the Third Republic? The Indigenous Code is a monument of this genre! Considered by contemporary prestigious jurists as a 'juridical monstruosity', this code [34] planned special offenses and penalties for 'Arabs'. It was then extended to other territories of the empire. On one hand, a state of rule of law for a minority of French and Europeans located in the colonies.

On the other hand, a permanent state of exception for the "indigenous" people. This situation lasted until ". During a reform effort in , the French created a bicameral legislature with one house for French citizens and another for Muslims, but it made a European's vote worth seven times a Muslim's vote. It is estimated that the population of Aboriginal peoples before British colonisation of Australia starting in was about , By they had been reduced by two thirds to 93, When Captain Cook landed in Botany Bay in , he was under orders not to plant the British flag and to defer to any native population, which was largely ignored.

Institutional racism had its early roots here due to interactions between these islanders, who had Melanesian origins and depended on the sea for sustenance and whose land rights were abrogated, and later the Australian Aboriginal peoples, whose children were removed from their families by Australian Federal and State government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments. An example of the abandonment of mixed-race " half-caste " children in the s is given in a report by Walter Baldwin Spencer that many mixed-descent children born during construction of The Ghan railway were abandoned at early ages with no one to provide for them. This incident and others spurred the need for state action to provide for and protect such children.

They have both been rescinded and restitution for past wrongs addressed at the highest levels of government. The treatment of the Indigenous people by the colonisers has been termed cultural genocide. The child removal legislation resulted in widespread removal of children from their parents and exercise of sundry guardianship powers by Protectors of Aborigines up to the age of 16 or Policemen or other agents of the state were given the power to locate and transfer babies and children of mixed descent from their mothers or families or communities into institutions.

In , the Chief Protector of Aborigines in South Australia, William Garnet South , reportedly "lobbied for the power to remove Aboriginal children without a court hearing because the courts sometimes refused to accept that the children were neglected or destitute". South argued that "all children of mixed descent should be treated as neglected". His lobbying reportedly played a part in the enactment of the Aborigines Act ; this made him the legal guardian of every Aboriginal child in South Australia, including so-called "half-castes". Bringing Them Home , [50] a report on the status of the mixed race stated " In reality, during this period removal of the mixed-race children was related to the fact that most were offspring of domestic servants working on pastoral farms, [51] and their removal allowed the mothers to continue working as help on the farm while at the same time removing the whites from responsibility for fathering them and from social stigma for having mixed-race children visible in the home.

That it was policy and kept secret for over 60 years is a mystery that no agency has solved to date. In the s, the Northern Territory Protector of Natives, Cecil Cook , perceived the continuing rise in numbers of "half-caste" children as a problem. His proposed solution was: "Generally by the fifth and invariably by the sixth generation, all native characteristics of the Australian Aborigine are eradicated. The problem of our half-castes will quickly be eliminated by the complete disappearance of the black race, and the swift submergence of their progeny in the white". He did suggest at one point that they be all sterilised. Neville , wrote in an article for The West Australian in "Eliminate in future the full-blood and the white and one common blend will remain.

Eliminate the full-blood and permit the white admixture and eventually, the race will become white". Official policy then concentrated on removing all black people from the population, [56] to the extent that the full-blooded Aboriginal people were hunted to extinguish them from society, [57] and those of mixed race would be assimilated with the white race so that in a few generations they too would become white.

Western Australia and Queensland specifically excluded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from the electoral rolls. In a land rights conference was held at James Cook University , where Eddie Mabo , [59] a Torres Strait Islander, made a speech to the audience in which he explained the land inheritance system on Murray Island. Public interest in the Mabo case had the side effect of throwing the media spotlight on all issues related to Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders in Australia, and most notably the Stolen Generations. The social impacts of forced removal have been measured and found to be quite severe. Although the stated aim of the "resocialisation" program was to improve the integration of Aboriginal people into modern society, a study conducted in Melbourne and cited in the official report found that there was no tangible improvement in the social position of "removed" Aboriginal people as compared to "non-removed", particularly in the areas of employment and post-secondary education.

Most notably, the study indicated that removed Aboriginal people were actually less likely to have completed a secondary education , three times as likely to have acquired a police record and were twice as likely to use illicit drugs. In his address to the houses of parliament apologising for the treatment of the Indigenous population , Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a plea to the health services regarding the disparate treatment in health services. He noted the widening gap between the treatment of Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians, and committed the government to a strategy called " Closing the Gap ", admitting to past institutional racism in health services that shortened the life expectancy of the Aboriginal people. Committees that followed up on this outlined broad categories to redress the inequities in life expectancy , educational opportunities and employment.

Indigenous Australians visit their general practitioners GPs and are hospitalised for diabetes , circulatory disease, musculoskeletal conditions, respiratory and kidney disease , mental, ear and eye problems and behavioural problems yet are less likely than non-Indigenous Australians to visit the GP, use a private doctor, or apply for residence in an old age facility. Childhood mortality rates , the gap in educational achievement and lack of employment opportunities were made goals that in a generation should halve the gap.

In , the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare reported that life expectancy had increased since by Much of the health woes of the Indigenous people could be traced to the availability of transport. Although English was the official language of Australia, many Indigenous Australians did not speak it as a primary language, and the lack of printed materials that were translated into the Australian Aboriginal languages and the non-availability of translators formed a barrier to adequate health care for Aboriginal people.

By , most of the funding promised to achieve the goals of "Closing the Gap" had been cut, and the national group [68] monitoring the conditions of the Indigenous population was not optimistic that the promises of will be kept. The living standard of indigenous peoples in Canada falls far short of those of the non-indigenous, and they, along with other 'visible minorities' remain, as a group, the poorest in Canada. The life expectancy of First Nations people is lower; they have less high school graduates, much higher unemployment rates, nearly double the number of infant deaths and significantly greater contact with law enforcement.

Their incomes are lower, they enjoy fewer promotions in the workplace and as a group, the younger members are more likely to work reduced hours or weeks each year. Many in Europe during the 19th century as reflected in the Imperial Report of the Select Committee on Aborigines , [72] supported the goal put forth by colonial imperialists of 'civilizing' the Native populations. This led to an emphasis on the acquisition of Aboriginal lands in exchange for the putative benefits of European society and their associated Christian religions.

British control of Canada the Crown began when they exercised jurisdiction over the first nations and it was by Royal Proclamation that the first piece of legislation the British government passed over First Nations citizens assumed control of their lives. It gave recognition to the Indians tribes as First Nations living under Crown protection. It is the most significant pieces of legislation regarding the Crown's relationship with Aboriginal people. This Royal Proclamation recognized Indian owned lands and reserved to them all use as their hunting grounds. It also established the process by which the Crown could purchase their lands, and also laid out basic principles to guide the Crown when making treaties with the First Nations.

The Proclamation made Indian lands transferred by treaty to be Crown property, and stated that indigenous title is a collective or communal rather than a private right so that individuals have no claim to lands where they lived and hunted long before the British came. In the first of many Indian Acts passed, each successive one leeched more from the rights of the indigenous as was stated in the first. The sundry revised Indian Acts 22 times by solidified the position of Natives as wards of the state, and Indian agents were given discretionary power to control almost every aspect of the lives of the indigenous.

The Indian Act was also used to deny Indians the right to vote until , and they could not sit on juries. In , General Middleton after defeating the Metis rebellion [76] [77] introduced the Pass System in western Canada, under which Natives could not leave their reserves without first obtaining a pass from their farming instructors permitting them to do so. As Natives were not permitted at that time to become lawyers, they could not fight it in the courts.

When Aboriginals began to press for recognition of their rights and to complain of corruption and abuses of power within the Indian department, the Act was amended to make it an offence for an Aboriginal person to retain a lawyer for the purpose of advancing any claims against the crown. Although Section 3 of the Dominion Lands Act set out this limitation, this was the first mention in the orders-in-council confining the jurisdiction of scrip commissions to ceded Indian territory. However, a reference was first made in in a draft letter of instructions to Goulet from Burgess. Needless to say, the process by which they applied for their land was made deliberately arduous. Scrip, then, was a major undertaking in Canadian history, and its importance as both an Aboriginal policy and a land policy should not be overlooked as it was an institutional 'policy' that discriminated against ethnic indigenous to their continued detriment.

Until , the various Indian Acts defined a 'person' as "an individual other than an Indian", and all indigenous peoples were considered wards of the state. Legally, the Crown devised a system of enfranchisement whereby an indigenous person could become a "person" in Canadian law. It was hoped that indigenous peoples would renounce their native heritage and culture and embrace the 'benefits' of civilized society. Indeed, from the s to the s some Natives did give up their status in order to receive the right to go to school, vote, or drink.

However, voluntary enfranchisement proved a failure when few natives took advantage. In , a law was passed to authorize enfranchisement without consent, and many Aboriginal peoples were involuntarily enfranchised. Natives automatically lost their Indian status under this policy and also if they became professionals such as doctors or ministers, or even if they obtained university degrees, and with it, their right to reside on the reserves. The enfranchisement requirements particularly discriminated against Native women, specifying in Section 12 1 b of the Indian Act that an Indian status woman marrying a non Indian man would lose her status as an Indian, as would her children. In contrast non Indian women marrying Indian men would gain Indian status.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, the Canadian federal government's Indian Affairs Department officially encouraged the growth of the Indian residential school system as an agent in a wider policy of assimilating Native Canadians into European-Canadian society. This policy was enforced with the support of various Christian churches, who ran many of the schools. There has long been controversy about the conditions experienced by students in the residential schools. While day schools for First Nations, Metis, and Inuit children always far outnumbered residential schools, a new consensus emerged in the early 21st century that the latter schools did significant harm to Aboriginal children who attended them by removing them from their families, depriving them of their ancestral languages, undergoing forced sterilization for some students, and by exposing many of them to physical and sexual abuse by staff members, and other students, and dis-enfranchising them forcibly.

With the goal of civilizing and Christianizing Aboriginal populations, a system of 'industrial schools' was developed in the 19th century that combined academic studies with "more practical matters" and schools for Natives began to appear in the s. From on these schools were modelled after the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania, whose motto was " Kill the Indian in him and save the man ". The government provided funding to religious groups such as the Catholic, Anglican, United Church and Presbyterian churches to undertake Native education.

By , attendance by natives was made compulsory and there were 74 residential schools operating nationwide. Following the ideas of Sifton and others like him, the academic goals of these schools were "dumbed down". As Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they didn't want students that were "made too smart for the Indian villages": [96] "To this end the curriculum in residential schools has been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school.

The funding the government provided was generally insufficient and often the schools ran themselves as "self-sufficient businesses", where 'student workers' were removed from class to do the laundry, heat the building, or perform farm work. Dormitories were often poorly heated and overcrowded, and the food was less than adequately nutritious. The author of that report to the BNA , Dr. Bryce , was later removed and in published a pamphlet [98] that came close to calling the governments indifference to the conditions of the Indians in the schools 'manslaughter'. Anthropologists Steckley and Cummins note that the endemic abuses - emotional, physical, and sexual - for which the system is now well known for "might readily qualify as the single-worst thing that Europeans did to Natives in Canada".

Pins were sometimes stuck in children's tongues for speaking their Native languages, sick children were made to eat their vomit, and semi-formal inspections of children's genitalia were carried out. Most residential schools closed in the s, with the last one closing in Criminal and civil suits against the government and the churches began in the late s and shortly thereafter the last residential school closed.

By the number of lawsuits had passed 10, In the s, beginning with the United Church, the churches that ran the residential schools began to issue formal apologies. The money was used to launch the Aboriginal Healing Foundation. Starting in the s, the government started a number of initiatives to address the effects of the Indian residential school. In the fall of , the Alternative Dispute Resolution process was launched, which was a process outside of court providing compensation and psychological support for former students of residential schools who were physically or sexually abused or were in situations of wrongful confinement.

On 11 June , Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal apology on behalf of the sitting Cabinet and in front of an audience of Aboriginal delegates. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission ran from through to in order to document past wrongdoing in the hope of resolving conflict left over from the past. The overt institutional racism of the past has clearly had a profoundly devastating and lasting effect on visible minorities and Aboriginal communities throughout Canada. Visible Minorities struggle with education, employment and negative contact with the legal system across Canada. Perhaps most palpable is the dysfunction and familial devastation caused by residential schools.

Hutchins states; [99] "Many of those who attended residential schools have been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, suffering from such symptoms as panic attacks, insomnia, and uncontrollable or unexplainable anger. Three generations of Native parents lost out on learning important parenting skills usually passed on from parent to child in caring and nurturing home environments, [] and the abuse suffered by students of residential schools has begun a distressing cycle of abuse within many Native communities.

The Hutchins report continues: "Aboriginal children continue to struggle with mainstream education in Canada. For some Indian students, English remains a second language, and many lack parents with sufficient education themselves to support them. Moreover, schooling in Canada is based on an english written tradition, which is different from the oral traditions of the Native communities. They have seven years less life expectancy than the overall Canadian population and almost twice as many infant deaths. While Canada as a nation routinely ranks in the top three on the United Nations Human Development Index, [] its on-reserve Aboriginal population, if scored as a nation, would rank a distant and shocking sixty-third.

That racism is alive is evidenced by the recent referendum in British Columbia by which the provincial government is asking the white majority to decide on a mandate for negotiating treaties with the Indian minority. Moreover, although it has been revised many times, "the Indian Act remains legislation which singles out a segment of society based on race". Under it, the civil rights of First Nations peoples are "dealt with in a different manner than the civil rights of the rest of Canadian citizens".

The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry in Manitoba, [] the Donald Marshall Inquiry in Nova Scotia, [] the Cawsey Report in Alberta [] and the Royal Commission of Aboriginal People all agree, [] as far as Aboriginal people are concerned, racism in Canadian society continues institutionally, systematically, and individually. The Chinese Immigration Act, , better known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act", replaced prohibitive fees with a ban on ethnic Chinese immigrating to Canada — excepting merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstance" cases.

The Chinese who entered Canada before had to register with the local authorities, and could leave Canada only for two years or less. Institutional racism exists in many domains in the People's Republic of China , though certain scholars have noted the Chinese government's portrayal of racism as a Western problem, while intentionally ignoring or downplaying the existence of widespread systemic racism in China.

The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination reported in that Chinese law does not define racial discrimination. Under the leadership of China 's Paramount Leader and Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping , the Uyghurs - a mostly Muslim ethnic minority group living in the Chinese Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region - have faced widespread persecution from authorities and mass detentions.

Since the People's Republic of China gained control of Tibet in , there has been institutional racism in the form of an elaborate propaganda system designed by the Communist Party of China to portray Tibetans as being liberated through China and Han Chinese culture. A state-organized historical opera performed in in China portrayed Tibet as being unsophisticated prior to Princess Wencheng 's marriage to Songtsen Gampo , a Tibetan emperor, in the year This propaganda is described by Tibetan activist Woeser as being a " A journal article identified how forced abortion, sterilization, and infanticide in Tibet were all part of a severe CCP birth control program in the region, designed specifically to target Tibetans.

A paper submitted to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination by the Tibetan government in exile stipulates about how Tibetans face an education system which is inequitable compared with the education for Han Chinese. According to the paper, only about nine percent of Chinese adults are illiterate, compared with about sixty percent of Tibetans in the Tibetan Autonomous Region. Furthermore, Tibetan children are prevented from learning about their own history and culture, and forbidden to learn their own language.

Schools in the region often have racial segregation based on ethnic characteristics, with Tibetan students receiving worse education in poorly-maintained classrooms. During the Tibet protests , a local eyewitness claimed Chinese military police "were grabbing monks, kicking and beating them" after riots around the closure of the Sera monastery near Lhasa. Racism against African people or people perceived to be of African descent has long been documented in China.

Published in , African student Emmanuel Hevi's An African Student in China details "the arrests of Chinese girls for their friendships with Africans, and particularly, Chinese feelings of racial superiority over black Africans. In some cases, Chinese university students shouted racist slogans such as "'Down with the black devils! In modern China, racism remains an issue in certain universities, such as the state-funded Zhejiang Normal University.

A black graduate student described how "African students would hear Professors and classmates make xenophobic comments, such as 'Africans are draining our scholarship funds'" and how African students, despite having higher grades, were receiving lower level scholarship funds through the ZJNU's three-tiered scholarship system than their classmates. One study noted how Africans were being portrayed as "waste" and "triple illegals" through racial profiling by police in Guangzhou. They were the victims of police brutality and targeted on the basis of their skin color, something which the police later denied. State media reports from referred to Africans in a racist manner, as Cheng explains: " Yinghong Cheng asserts in a journal article that " Cyber racism against Africans is certainly not the only racial thinking but it is perhaps the most explicit and blatant one.

The racist language in these songs, such as 'the Yellow Race is now marching on the world,' combined with nationalist claims such as 'After 5, years, finally it is the time for us to show up on the stage,' coloured Xie 's popularity among his young Chinese fans. In , CCTV New Year's Gala , a state media television programme which has in the past been viewed by up to million people included a racist neocolonial skit featuring a Chinese actress who wore blackface makeup. The skit "praises Chinese-African cooperation, showing how much Africans benefit from Chinese investment and how grateful they are to Beijing. During the COVID pandemic , multiple instances of systemic racism against African people were documented, including misinformation and racist stereotyping which portrayed Africans as carriers of the virus.

According to The Guardian , Africans were "refused entry by hospitals, hotels, supermarkets, shops and food outlets. At one hospital, even a pregnant woman was denied access. In a McDonald's restaurant, a notice was put up saying 'black people cannot come in. Anti-Japanese sentiment exists as a modern issue in China. There have been reports of restaurants and public institutions refusing service or entry to Japanese people since the Second Sino-Japanese War. The Malaysian Chinese and Indian-Malaysians — who make up a significant portion of ethnic minorities in Malaysia, with them making up around In the Malaysian New Economic Policy a program of affirmative action aimed at increasing the share of the economy held by the Malay population, introduced quotas for Malays in areas such as public education, access to housing, vehicle imports, government contracts and share ownership.

Initially meant as a measure to curb the poor economic participation of the Malays, aimed to reduce the number of hardcore poor Malays, it is now post perceived by most conservative Malays as a form of entitlement or 'birthright'. Since Article defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to benefit from laws assisting bumiputra are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by the parallel Syariah Court system. Nigeria contains over ethnic groups, but it is dominated by three major ethnic groups who control most of the political power - the Hausa-Fulani of the north, the Igbo of the southeast, and the Yoruba of the southwest.

Minorities accuse Nigeria's government structure of politically underrepresenting them in favor of the three dominant ethnic groups. The Nigerian constitution promises equality among all ethnic groups, but in actuality, the concept of "indigeneity" is widespread across local and state governments and to a lesser extent, the federal government. Citizens who are from "indigenous" ethnic groups are legally granted various political and economic privileges.

Nigerians who lack a certificate of indigenity face marginalization and discrimination. Nigeria is an oil-rich country where much of its oil resources can be found in the impoverished Niger Delta region, which is inhabited by ethnic minorities such as the Ogoni and Ijaw. The native inhabitants of the Niger Delta don't receive much of the wealth generated by Nigeria's vast oil industry, and it is paradoxically Nigeria's poorest region. A amendment to the Nigerian constitution gave the federal government the authority to seize and distribute Ogoni territory to oil companies without any compensation. In , he was arrested and executed, along with nine other Ogoni activists, by the regime of the Hausa military dictator Sani Abacha , which was internationally condemned as a violation of human rights.

In South Africa, during apartheid , institutional racism has been a powerful means of excluding from resources and power any person not categorized or marked as a white. Those marked as black were further discriminated against differentially, with Africans facing more extreme forms of exclusion and exploitation than those marked as Coloured or Indian.

Africans, who formed the majority of the population, were relegated to often barren rural reserves, which later became homelands. More modern forms of institutional racism in South Africa are centered around interracial relationships and official government policy. Opposition to interracial intimate relationships may be indicative of underlying racism, and that conversely acceptance and support of these relationships may be indicative of a stance against racism.

Consequently, discourse is a framework that realizes that language can produce institutional structures and relations. However, language constitutes who we are, how we interact with others and how we understand ourselves. Therefore, discourse is said to be inextricably linked to power and more than just a medium utilized to transmit information. In the United Kingdom , the inquiry about the murder of the Black Briton Stephen Lawrence concluded that the investigating police force was institutionally racist. Sir William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority ethnic people".

Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton were Black Power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' in to describe the consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing, income, employment, education and health Garner The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report , and the public's response to it, were among the major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic minorities. More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner , Sir Ian Blair said that the British news media are institutionally racist, [] a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black Police Association welcoming Blair's assessment.

The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70 recommendations for reform were made. These proposals included abolishing the double jeopardy rule and criminalising racist statements made in private. Macpherson also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism. In the English and Welsh prison system, government data compiled in showed that youths of color are dis-proportionally subject to punishment the U.

The COVID pandemic had caused some minors being held in pre-trial detention to be placed in solitary confinement indefinitely. Institutional racism exists in various aspects of healthcare, from maternity to psychiatric. Black women are four times more likely to die in pregnancy, labour and up to a year postpartum than whites. Asian women are twice as likely as whites to die in pregnancy. Black women are twice as likely to have a stillborn baby than whites. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally.

The treatment rate for whites is Black men were 4. In a report by the Department for Innovations and Business Skills, it was found that black students were the most likely to receive under-predicted grades by their teachers. It was found that 8. Critics contend that part of the institutional racism in education in the UK is in the curriculum. The equality and human rights commission reported that black workers with degrees earned Standards of employment in the UK, as well as in the United States and other Western European countries, often disregard how certain standards, such as eye contact, have different meanings around the world.

Opposingly, most people in countries in North America and Western Europe see eye contact as expressing enthusiasm and trust. Institutional racism in the housing sector could be seen as early as the s with the Home Owners' Loan Corporation. Banks would determine a neighborhood's risk for loan default and redline neighborhoods that were at high risk of crime. These neighborhoods tended to be African-American neighborhoods, whereas whites were able to receive housing loans. Over several decades, as whites left the city to move to nicer houses in the suburbs, predominantly African-American neighborhoods fell apart. Retail stores also started moving to the suburbs to be closer to the customers and to avoid being robbed.

Roosevelt 's New Deal in the s and through the s, the FHA contributed to the economic growth of the white population by providing loan guarantees to banks, which in turn financed white homeownership and enabled white flight , [] and it did not make loans available to black people. Moreover, many college students were then, in turn, financed with the equity in homeownership that was gained by having gotten the earlier government handout, which was not the same accorded to black and other minority families. The institutional racism of the FHA's model has been tempered after the recent recession by changes in the s and most recently by President Obama's efforts [] to stabilize the housing losses of with his Fair Housing Finance GSE reform.

These changes, which were brought on by government-funded programs and projects, have led to a significant change in inner-city markets. Poor consumers are left with the option of traveling to middle-income neighborhoods, or spending more for less. The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between European Americans and African-American people include legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of , agricultural workers and servants, who disproportionately were black, were excluded because key whites did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian system. Richard Rothstein, in his book "The Color of Law," tells of a history of residential segregation in America. He noted that government institutions in all branches and at all levels and were complicit in excluding African Americans from home-ownership.

In , the Fair Housing Act FHA was signed into law to eliminate the effects of state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United States remained nearly segregated as in the s. A newer discriminating lending practice was the subprime lending in the s. Lenders targeted high-interest subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fair-interest prime loans.

Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders, and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in promoting the subprime lending market. Numerous audit studies conducted in the s in the United States found consistent evidence of discrimination against African Americans and Hispanics in metropolitan housing markets.

The long-outlawed practice of redlining in which banks choke off lending to minority communities recently re-emerged as a concern for federal bank regulators in New York and Connecticut. The bank had been accused of steering clear of higher crime neighborhoods and favoring whites in granting loans and mortgages, finding that, of the approximately 1, mortgages made in , only 25 went to black applicants. The banks' executives denied bias, and the settlement came with adjustments to the banks' business practices. This followed other successful efforts by the federal, state and city officials in to expand lending programs directed at minorities, and in some cases to force banks to pay penalties for patterns of redlining in Providence, Rhode Island; St.

The Justice Department also has more active redlining investigations underway, [] and officials have stated to reporters that "redlining is not a thing of the past". It has evolved, they explained, into a more politically correct version, where bankers do not talk openly about denying loans to black people. The Justice Department officials noted that some banks quietly had institutionalized bias in their operations. Such management decisions are not the stated intent, it is left unspoken so that even the bank's other customers are unaware that it is occurring. In the s and s, laws were passed banning the practice; its return is far less overt, and while the vast majority of banks operate legally, the practice appears to be more widespread as the investigation revealed a vast disparity in loans approved for black people as compared to whites in similar situations.

Studies in major cities, such as Los Angeles and Baltimore, show that communities of color have lower levels of access to parks and green space. The public spaces allow for social interactions, increase the likelihood of daily exercise in the community and improve mental health. They can also reduce the urban heat island effect , provide wildlife habitat, control floods, and reduce certain air pollutants.

Minority groups have less access to decision-making processes that determine the distribution of parks. Institutional racism impacts health care accessibility within non-white minority communities by creating health disparities among racial groups. Institutional racism can affect minority health directly through health-related policies, as well as through other factors indirectly. For example, racial segregation disproportionately exposed black communities to chemical substances such as lead paint, respiratory irritants such as diesel fumes, crowding, litter, and noise. Members of racial minority groups that have a disadvantaged status in education and employment are more likely to be uninsured, which significantly impedes them from accessing preventive, diagnostic, or therapeutic health services.

Racial minorities in the United States are exposed to greater health and environmental risks than the general population. PCBs are toxic chemicals that can leach into the groundwater and contaminate the drinking water supply. Research shows that there is racial discrimination in the enforcement of environmental laws and regulations. People of color and the poor are more likely to live, work and play in America's most polluted environments. Institutional environmental racism encompasses these land use decisions that contribute to health issues such as asthma, obesity and diabetes. The opioid epidemic in the United States is overwhelmingly white, sparing African-American and Latino communities because doctors unconsciously prescribe narcotics more cautiously to their non-white patients.

The COVID pandemic disproportionately affected African Americans, with more dying of the disease during its initial wave than other racial groups. Coronavirus task force , Dr. Anthony Fauci , testified that a combination of factors affect the disproportionate numbers of minorities infected. In responding as to whether institutional racism has played a part in the data gleaned by the CDC , he pointed out the risk of infection along with underlying conditions in certain demographics was a factor, but affirmed his opinion that this was the case. Black women are two and one-half times more likely to die from maternal causes than are white women. For example, in Wisconsin , the black-white life expectancy gap is about 6 years for females and 7 years for males, and in Washington D.

C this gap is about 12 years for females and greater than 17 years among males. Although approximately two-thirds of crack cocaine users are white or Hispanic people reported past-year use in of 0. In , Within the federal judicial system, a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute powder cocaine carries a five-year sentence for quantities of grams or more, while a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine faces a five-year sentence for quantities of five grams or more.

With the combination of severe and unbalanced drug-possession laws, along with the rates of conviction in terms of race, the judicial system has created a racial disparity. The law was changed in to reduce disparity; it affected only new cases. The need, according to Senate, was for a retroactive fix to reduce the thousands serving long sentences after four decades of extreme sentencing policies. Studies have shown it is possible to reduce both prison populations and crime at the same time. Sentencing commission announced a retroactive reduction in drug sentences following a year-long review, which will result in a mass release of 6, prisoners, all of whom have already served substantial time in prison.

Some of those to be released will be deported, and all will be subject to further judicial review. The issue of policies that target minority populations in large cities, also known as stop and frisk and arrest quotas , as practiced by the NYPD, have receded from media coverage due to lawsuits that have altered the practice. After taking office in , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio declined to continue litigating stop-and-frisk practices, and the number of minorities stopped under the practice dropped dramatically. A Stanford University study that analyzed 93 million traffic stops in the United States revealed that African Americans are twenty percent more likely to be stopped despite being less likely to be in possession of contraband compared to white people.

A Harvard University study [] found that in Massachusetts's criminal justice system minorities face greater risk to be represented across all parts of the criminal justice system in excess of their proportion of the population in that state. The likelihood that they will get arrested and convicted due to drug or weapons charges is eight times greater than for whites. Black people were found to receive average sentences that were days longer, and Latino people days longer, for the same offences. The study concluded that regarding ' stop and frisk ' "The disparity in searches was more consistent with racial bias than with differences in criminal conduct,". A recent report by former Homeland Security secretary Jeh Johnson found both overt and institutional racism to be a pervasive problem in the NYS court system.

Chief administrative Judge Lawrence K. Marks found the reports findings troubling and said the state would attempt to implement all the report's solutions. The report also highlighted intolerant racism among court officers. One judge said the reluctance to provide funding to New York city courts was "the very definition of institutional bias". The disparity between the sentences given to black people and white offenders has been most highlighted by that of crack- and powdered-cocaine offenses, which received disparate sentencing pursuant to federal law.

Members of Congress and state legislators believed these harsh, inflexible sentences would catch those at the top of the drug trade and deter others from entering it. Instead, this broad response to the drug problem brought in more low-level offenders, which resulted in overcapacity prison populations and increased burdens for taxpayers. A federal investigation initiated before the Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, found faults with the treatment given youths in the juvenile justice system in St.

Louis County, Missouri. The Justice Department, following a month investigation based on 33, cases over three years, reported that black youths were treated more harshly than were whites and that all low-income youths, regardless of race, were deprived of their basic constitutional rights. Youths who encountered law enforcement got little or no chance to challenge detention or get any help from lawyers. With only one public defender assigned to juveniles in a county of one million, and that Legal Aid handled cases in The investigation was unrelated to the notorious case that roiled St. Louis, beginning before the police shooting of the unarmed black youth. But to be accepted into the informal process, offenders had to admit to guilt, which runs afoul of the right not to incriminate oneself in criminal proceedings.

It also found them more likely to be held in detention, and also subsequently sentenced to incarceration once the case was finished. They were also more likely to be detained for violating parole from a previous case. The county did not cooperate fully with the Justice Department, and the St. Louis Family Court declined to comment, as did the state court system, of which it is a part.

A Justice Department official faulted "the role of implicit bias when there are discretionary decisions to be made". In most state courts, the public defender's office decides who is poor enough to merit representation; in St. Louis Family Court the judge or court commissioner, sometimes based on different standards, decides who gets access to counsel. Their competency to take part in their own defense was never established and the legal aide in the cases examined never challenged a probable cause finding, hired an expert witness or challenged hearsay evidence or leading questions and most cases ended with the child pleading guilty.

The Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department began four investigations beginning in delving into juvenile justice systems in Mississippi, Tennessee, Texas, and Missouri, and, while settlements were reached, it has had to file suit to overcome the disparities in criminal convictions. In , two Washington state supreme court justices, Richard B. Sanders and James M. They stated that there was too much African-American representation in the prison population because African Americans are known to commit a number of crimes and not because of their race.

A black lawyer said that she was shocked to hear these two justices refer to a former Legal Aid lawyer's assertions in a report using the phrase poverty pimp. Shirley Bondon, a state Administrative Office of the Courts AOC manager who oversaw court programs critical of the legal system, told the justices that she believed that there was racial "bias in the criminal-justice system, from the bottom up. James M. Johnson , who was noted as the most conservative judge on the court, agreed, noting that African Americans commit crimes against their own communities, to which Bondon objected, requesting a closed-door meeting with the court.

Within, Justice Debra Stephens said that she heard Sanders and Johnson make the comments, including Johnson using the words "you all" or "you people" when he stated that African Americans commit crimes in their own communities. In , African Americans represented 4 percent of Washington State's population but 20 percent of the prison population.

Nationwide, similar disparities have been attributed by researchers to sentencing practices, [] inadequate legal representation, [] drug-enforcement policies [] and criminal-enforcement procedures that unfairly affect African Americans. In , an investigation revealed that Oklahoma Judges who violated their judicial oaths and failed to comply with laws faced no sanctions as none had been imposed since Across the United States, thousands more were privately sanctioned in chambers by Supreme Court Justices and had their cases closed without the public ever being notified of what they were charged with. The report identified 3, cases from to where judges were disciplined but had their identities hidden, along with the nature of the offences- from public scrutiny.

The report found that 9 out of 10 judges sanctioned for misconduct were allowed to return to their duties, revealing a lax oversight and lenient disciplinary system in place for significant transgressions. In , the U. Department of Justice pursued charges against 21 officers and executives of the Phelps Dodge Mining Company for the kidnapping of 1, workers across state lines from Bisbee, Arizona. The men were subsequently released based on a pre-trial motion from the defense, claiming that the federal government had no basis for charging them, as no federal law was broken.

Arizona officials never initiated criminal proceedings in state court against those responsible for the deportation of workers and their lost wages and other losses. The Justice Department appealed, but in United States v. Wheeler , U. Constitution did not empower the federal government to enforce the rights of the deportees. Rather it "necessarily assumed the continued possession by the states of the reserved power to deal with free residence, ingress, and egress. By this calculated reasoning, the officials situated at the Supreme Court erred in not taking the side that in today's legal lexicon had every right to seek justice and redress, not only for the stolen wages, union busting, false imprisonment and other crimes, but for the inherent right not to be forcibly removed from your home by men with guns and shipped in cattle cars across state lines as many homeowners were.

That 8 of the 9 supreme court justices concurred and, based on anti-radical speech sentiment at the time post WWI anti-union and IWW , [] leads to the conclusion that the government gave the company cover to remove the workers, many of whom were Mexicans advocating for better pay and working condition, to a place in the next state closer to the border with the admonition never to return. Guest , U. At the end of the conflict, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and others advocated for a peacetime equivalent of the Sedition Act , using the Bisbee events as a justification.

They stated that the only reason the company representatives and local law enforcement had taken the law into their own hands was that the government lacked the power to suppress radical sentiment directly. If the government was armed with appropriate legislation and the threat of long prison terms, private citizens would not feel the need to act. Writing in , Harvard Professor Zechariah Chafee mocked that view: "Doubtless some governmental action was required to protect pacifists and extreme radicals from mob violence, but incarceration for a period of twenty years seems a very queer kind of protection.

Vigilante actions and violence against Mexicans in the Southwest has been documented from the s to s. Hundreds to thousands of Mexicans were killed, many of them American citizens, by white Anglo Americans and government forces. Some were killed to drive them off their land or because they were suspected as bandits or rebels. Many were lynched, including some taken from jail cells or killed in front of hundreds. For example, a month after the Brite Ranch raid in Texas, Rangers committed the Porvenir massacre near the Mexican border where 15 men and boys were executed and falsely accused of involvement in the raid. She was later over-ruled by the head of the State Historical Commission, who brokered a deal to erect markers at Anglo ranches that were victims of suspected Mexican Villistas as well.

According to the United States Department of Justice, Palmer violated his oath of office by misusing the Department of Justice to go illegally after those advocating for better wages. Strikers became targets of agent provocateurs who infiltrated meetings of "communist labor" and anti-war activists. After the Bisbee deportations became exposed in the press, Americans were divided about the treatment of illegal aliens, who were purported communists. Former President Theodore Roosevelt opined in the press that the Bisbee miners "had it coming, as they were hell-bent on havoc!

The Red Scare that fueled institutional racism in the s against Russian Jews and other Eastern European immigrants was a backlash to the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and a bombing campaign early in by Italian anarchists advocating the overthrow of the government. The video will auto-play soon 8 Cancel Play now. Zlamal, however, defended Kudela to his team-mates and wound up in arguments as a result. Sign up to our Record Rangers newsletter Get all the latest Rangers news sent straight to your Inbox every day by signing up to our newsletter. Follow Daily Record. Facebook Twitter. Sport all Most Read Most Recent. Kyogo Furuhashi The striker has been a revelation in Glasgow but Noel Whelan reckons the striker needs to stay quiet.

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